Women's Work

Simi Afonja's analysis of the socio-economic history of the Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria supports Engels's theoretical relation of family life to economic life in Western capitalistic ending. However, Afonja's analysis also reveals a commotion in Engels' theory that Heidi Hartmann attempts to address. Generally, Afonja maintains that until the 19th century, the Yoruba were self-subsisting agricultural producers, which he argues precluded them from operate any system of capital accumulation (Afonja [WW], 1986: 126). Thus, the Yoruba were more communist than capitalistic. However, Afonja's analysis demonstrates that gender roles as they related to economic cater were already weighted in favor of men (Afonja, 1986: 126).

A self-subsisting community creates a division of labor where men and women dish out the tasks involved in physical production. However, women still bear the extra responsibility of reproducing the members of the community (Afonja, 1986: 126). Thus, women's cooperation in the means of production does non preclude inequalities in the distribution of responsibilities (Afonja, 1986: 126). These inequalities were further reflected in the abide by structure where women could not inherit property or fit land, which was the main instrument of production (Afonja, 1986: 127). Thus, even before the institution of capitalistic elements in Yoruba society, men exploited their position as guardians of family and li

neage values, status, and resources (Afonja, 1986: 128).

Thus, Engels's argument that the mere gaucherie from a capitalist to a communist society entrust address the issue of women's in comparability by allowing them to engage in public production does not seem to address the perfect reasons for women's subordinate role in society. Heidi Hartmann argues against Engels's equation of the social burdensomeness of women with their economic oppression because she believes Engels does not consider enough the particular(prenominal) questions about the blood between women and men (Hartmann [FF], 1993: 192).

Thus, Hartmann would argue against late family centrists who claim to accommodate their family values to postindustrial society and postfeminist culture (Stacey [LL], 1997: 458). Such theorists claim to recognize the importance of female equality and the changing conditions of modern society, but they believe such(prenominal) concerns substructure be addressed within the model of the two-parent monogamous family relationship (Stacey, 1997: 459). However, Judith Stacey notes that such arguments do not confront the internal contradictions and dirty power relations that underlie the decline of life-long marriage. Rather, they reify such power relations by promoting that postfeminist women should choose to place familial needs above the demands of "a life defined by traditional male models of career and success" (Stacey, 1997: 459).

For example, such a theory would not support the idea of a freelance(a) working mother who encourages her female child to attend college with the objective of establishing a career upon graduation. That idea would seem to follow too much the "traditional male model[] of career and success." However, this New Familism, as it is called, still relies on t
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